Tuesday, October 20, 2015
Sunday, October 18, 2015
8 Sneaky Racial Code Words and Why Politicians Love Them .... By: Jenée Desmond-Harris
1. 'Inner City'
Ryan's statement, which he later said he regretted,
is a perfect example of the way public expressions of racism have
evolved, says López. "You can't publicly say black people don't like to
work, but you can say there's an inner-city culture in which generations
of people don't value work." The goal here, he says, isn't to demonize
minorities—far from it—but to demonize a government that helps the
middle class (and if the people Americans have historically associated
with inner cities have to be used in the process, so be it).
2. 'States' Rights'
Totally innocent and nonracial, right? Not so much. López says we first heard this from Barry Goldwater,
who was running on a very unpopular platform critical of the New Deal,
during the 1964 presidential election. "He makes the critical decision
to use coded racial appeals, trying to take advantage of rising racial
anxiety in the face of the civil rights movement," says López. In other
words, while "states' rights" is a pretty racially neutral issue, you
just have to look at what was happening at the moment to realize that
everyone knew it translated to the right of states to resist federal
mandates to integrate schools and society.
3. 'Forced Busing'
4. 'Cut Taxes'
5. 'Law and Order'
6. 'Welfare' and 'Food Stamps'
7. 'Shariah Law
We first started hearing about this alleged threat to American justice in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks, says López, when the Bush administration became intent on linking the war in Iraq to hijackers who were from Saudi Arabia. "To get there, you convince America that this threat is internal as well—new brown immigrants who are threatening the heartland," he says. "A prime example is Kansas prohibiting courts from drawing on Shariah law—it's not a threat at all. The point isn't the reality; it's the racial frame. The point is, these brown Muslim people are infiltrating our country, so be afraid, and vote for politicians who will support the right wing."
8. 'Illegal Alien'
3. 'Forced Busing'
López calls this phrase, which, on its face, was racially
neutral, "the Northern analog of states' rights," which "allowed the
North to express fevered opposition to integration without having to
mention race." After all, kids had been bused to school for quite a
while. It was only when the plan took on a racial edge that it became
controversial. Politicians didn't have to say that outright, though—they
simply dropped in the phrase to trigger resentment and gain supporters.
4. 'Cut Taxes'
Dog-whistle politics is partly about demonizing people of color, but
it's also about demonizing government in a way that helps the very rich,
says López. So, when Ronald Regan said "cut taxes," what he was
communicating to the middle class was, "so your taxes won't be wasted on
minorities." A key Reagan operative admitted as much in an interview
quoted in Lopez's book, saying, " 'We want to cut taxes' … is a whole
lot more abstract than, 'Nigger, nigger.' " It continues to be more
abstract, and it continues to work.
5. 'Law and Order'
This phrase, says López, is a way to draw on an image of minorities
as criminals that was used by both Reagan and Clinton. He points to an
inverse relationship in Congress between conversations about civil
rights and criminal law enforcement. "What you see in the 1960s is that
opposition to civil rights becomes 'what we really need is law and
order, to crack down'. " Of course, the latter is less controversial
and, at least on its surface, avoids the issue of race.
6. 'Welfare' and 'Food Stamps'
Welfare, says López, was broadly supported during the New Deal era
when it was understood that people could face hardships in their lives
that sometimes required government assistance, and, in fact, was
purposely limited to white recipients. In this context, it wasn't
heavily stigmatized. Fast-forward to the 1960s, when Lyndon Johnson made
it clear that he wanted it to have a racial-justice component. "Then it
becomes possible for conservatives to start painting welfare as a
transfer of wealth to minorities," says Lopez. Remember those Reagan
speeches about welfare queens? Today, says López, we hear "food stamps" used similarly.
7. 'Shariah Law
We first started hearing about this alleged threat to American justice in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks, says López, when the Bush administration became intent on linking the war in Iraq to hijackers who were from Saudi Arabia. "To get there, you convince America that this threat is internal as well—new brown immigrants who are threatening the heartland," he says. "A prime example is Kansas prohibiting courts from drawing on Shariah law—it's not a threat at all. The point isn't the reality; it's the racial frame. The point is, these brown Muslim people are infiltrating our country, so be afraid, and vote for politicians who will support the right wing."
8. 'Illegal Alien'
This phrase, says López, is a perfect dog whistle, which
triggers fears about immigrants as criminals, taking advantage of
welfare and disrespecting the American way of life. But somehow the
concerns are always pointed at the Mexican border instead of the one we
share with Canada. "It's racial rhetoric about Latinos that is now being
couched in this seemingly racially neutral language, and harnessed to
support fear to get people to support conservative policies."
Tuesday, August 25, 2015
The new slavery
The annual Race and Ethnicity Report released this week found that 45.8
percent of football players in the NCAA's top division were black in
2009-10, compared with 45.1 percent who were white. The statistics cover
both Division I divisions.
“Ninety percent of the NCAA revenue is produced by 1 percent of the athletes. Go to the skill positions—the stars. Ninety percent (of the 1 percent) are Black,” says Sonny Vaccaro
While Black athletes dominate storied football and basketball programs across the country, the rate of academic success by African American athletes leaves much to be desired. USC’s football program recorded one of the worst graduation rates in the currently ranked AP Top 25 when the NCAA recently released figures for 2002-05. USC’s Graduation Success Rate (GSR) for all student athletes was 57 percent. Only Oklahoma, Florida State and South Carolina recorded lower marks at 47 percent, 55 percent and 55 percent, respectively
Among the NCAA's more than $589 million in unrestricted assets is an endowment fund that had grown to more than $326 million as of the end of its 2013 fiscal year, Aug. 31. The fund grew by more than $44 million in 2013, its greatest one-year increase since it was established in 2004.
The NCAA had nearly $913 million in total revenue in fiscal 2013, according to the statement. It had a little more than $852 million in total expenses, including a record $527.4 million distributed to Division I schools and conferences.
Of the NCAA's 2013 revenue, $681 million came from the multimedia and marketing rights agreement with CBS and Turner Broadcasting that primarily is connected to the Division I men's basketball tournament, the statement said.
In 2012, the NCAA had nearly $872 million in total revenue and nearly $801 million in total expenses, including $503.8 million distributed to Division I
“Ninety percent of the NCAA revenue is produced by 1 percent of the athletes. Go to the skill positions—the stars. Ninety percent (of the 1 percent) are Black,” says Sonny Vaccaro
While Black athletes dominate storied football and basketball programs across the country, the rate of academic success by African American athletes leaves much to be desired. USC’s football program recorded one of the worst graduation rates in the currently ranked AP Top 25 when the NCAA recently released figures for 2002-05. USC’s Graduation Success Rate (GSR) for all student athletes was 57 percent. Only Oklahoma, Florida State and South Carolina recorded lower marks at 47 percent, 55 percent and 55 percent, respectively
Among the NCAA's more than $589 million in unrestricted assets is an endowment fund that had grown to more than $326 million as of the end of its 2013 fiscal year, Aug. 31. The fund grew by more than $44 million in 2013, its greatest one-year increase since it was established in 2004.
The NCAA had nearly $913 million in total revenue in fiscal 2013, according to the statement. It had a little more than $852 million in total expenses, including a record $527.4 million distributed to Division I schools and conferences.
Of the NCAA's 2013 revenue, $681 million came from the multimedia and marketing rights agreement with CBS and Turner Broadcasting that primarily is connected to the Division I men's basketball tournament, the statement said.
In 2012, the NCAA had nearly $872 million in total revenue and nearly $801 million in total expenses, including $503.8 million distributed to Division I
2014 NCAAF Coaches Salaries
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Know let me give you how much the players get from all this revenue ZERO | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Monday, August 10, 2015
Friday, June 19, 2015
WHATS WRONG WITH AMERICA?
Tuesday, June 16, 2015
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